法庭陳詞全文原版 （轉自中國數字空間）
漫長的審判過程中，何桂藍是在47人中，唯一選擇既不認罪、也不求情的被告。她被判刑7年。判刑當日，她以英文及粵語，分享自己的心路歷程，指出自己不認罪、不求情，是為了捍衛61萬香港人曾作出的政治表態，也一再指出，「真正定義我們身份的，不是苦難本身，而是我們面對苦難的方式。」
原文
I first read about Maria Kolesnikova before I was taken to punishment—tales of how she ripped her passport apart at the border to refuse deportation, choosing jail over exile, along with trivial accounts of solitary prison life. How, as a professional flutist, she filled her head with imaginary flute music. How she kept on writing letters despite 80% of them being confiscated.
我第一次聽到瑪莉亞·科列斯尼科娃（Maria Kolesnikova）的故事，是在自己入獄之前——那些傳奇故事，關於她如何在邊境撕毀護照以拒絕被驅逐，她選擇坐牢而非流亡，她在獨居牢房生活的瑣碎記錄。作為專業的長笛演奏家，她怎樣在腦海中想像長笛樂曲。她如何持續寫信，即使其中80% 會被沒收。
The protest in Belarus during 2020-21 was the last movement I followed real-time,before my own imprisonment. It went viral in this part of the world as protesters adopted the Be Water tactic of the 2019 Hong Kong Movement. A few years on, a Belarusian political prisoner's timely advice passed on all the way from her prison in Belarus to mine in Hong Kong in ChatGPT-translated English.
2020至2021年白俄羅斯的抗爭，是我在入獄前最後一個實時關注的社會運動。在那裡，抗議者採用2019年香港運動中的"流水戰術"，引發全球關注。幾年後，一個白俄羅斯的政治犯的及時建議，用ChatGPT翻譯的英語，以各種方式，從她在白俄的監獄，傳遞到我在香港的監獄。
How curious. Today, we enjoy multiple advanced communication platforms, yet people are more polarized than ever. Genuine and honest conversations have become more difficult, rendering democracy less and less convincing as the better system in the face of multiplying crises. But, now living in a world of only pen and paper, with heavy scrutiny and severe delays spanning weeks—I relearn, time and again, that genuine human connection is possible and why it is worth fighting for.
多有趣。今天我們有各種各樣先進的溝通平台，但人們卻比以往任何時候都更加兩極化。真誠的、誠實的對話變得更困難，令民主制度在多樣化的危機面前，顯得越來越沒有說服力。但是，住在這個只有紙筆的世界裡，經過嚴格的審查與跨越幾周的漫長延遲，我卻一次又一次重新學會，真實的人際連結是可能的，以及，為何它依然值得奮鬥。
The Hong Kong democratic movement of 2019 is renowned for its impressive arsenal of tactics, combined with the creative use of technological platforms. These tactics travelled across social media, were transplanted into other movements, and bloomed anew. But what holds people together and makes all the creativity possible lies beyond technology or tactics. The movement itself is open to interpretations (and criticisms), yet what has stayed with me to this day, nearly four years later, is something simpler.
2019年的香港民主運動以其令人印象深刻的戰術、以及對科技平台充滿創意的應用方式聞名。這些戰術透過社交媒體傳播，進而移植到其他社會運動，並重獲新生。但是，讓人們團結起來，讓所有的創造力得以實現的，並不是科技或戰術本身。人們可以對這場運動做各種各樣的解讀（或者批評）。然而對我來說，近四年過去了，這場運動停留在我身上的，是一些更簡單的東西。
People are engaged. They are eager to connect with each other. Injustice and oppression, once witnessed, together with bravery and determination, once felt, bred an unstoppable urge to express oneself politically and to be part of the struggle; but it didn't turn into a homogenizing essentialism. Learning from the failures of past movements, people made extra efforts to communicate and incorporate diverse ideas. We did not avoid lengthy, difficult conversations, even amid imminent violence, with rubber bullets flying over our heads. We were adamantly leaderless, each taking our own initiatives and emphasizing individual and equal contributions to the movement. We remained vigilant against disinformation, careful not to let rumours tear the movement apart from within.
人們投入其中。他們渴望與彼此建立連結。人們目睹過不公和壓迫，感受過勇氣和決心，就生出一種無法抑制的渴望，要在政治上表達自己，讓自己成為抗爭的一部分。但這並沒有演變成一種同質化的本質主義。吸取過去運動的失敗教訓，人們特別努力進行溝通，接納多元的想法。即使是在橡膠子彈從頭上飛過這樣的暴力陰影下，我們仍然不迴避冗長而困難的對話。我們堅持這是一場無領袖的運動，每個人都承擔起主動性，強調每一個個人都平等地對運動有貢獻。我們警惕虛假信息，小心翼翼地避免謠言從內部瓦解運動。
Decentralization unleashed a political momentum unseen in Hong Kong and revealed the city's exciting diversity, which had previously been constrained by traditional organizational structures. Accustomed to critical and intense political debate, people in Hong Kong only needed to overcome their hesitation about whether their actions mattered to emerge as their own initiators of creative new ways of struggle. They reformed connections into more direct, efficient, and inclusive networks of activism.
去中心化釋放了香港前所未見的政治動力，展現了這座城市令人驚嘆的多樣性——這些都是此前被傳統組織結構所限制的。習慣於激烈的政治辯論的香港人，只需克服對自身行動是否重要的猶疑，就能成為創新抗爭方式的主動發起者。他們將連結重組成為更直接、高效且包容的行動網絡。
When social institutions crumbled one after another around us, we rose above fear and emerged as a genuine civil society, each living out the true meaning of citizenship.Though democracy was denied at various institutional levels, we built one from the bottom up.
當社會制度接連崩潰，我們卻超越恐懼，湧現出一個真正公民社會的樣子，每個人都活出了公民身份的真義。儘管各層體制都拒絕民主，我們卻自下而上地，構建了民主。
Meaningful conversations are only possible when you have faith that people around you, and yourself, are not blind followers of someone else, that they are clear of what they are fighting for and take responsibility for their needs. Independent in their decisions but acting for the collective.
當你相信身邊的人，也相信自己，不會盲目追隨任何人時，有意義的對話才可能實現。因為他們清楚自己為何而戰，並為此負責。人人獨立決策，但一起為集體行動。
It's not so much hope for a better future that drives the movement, because hope has always been scarce when you're a city of 7 million facing a superpower, but that even if our vision of the future is different, we trust each other, we can rely on each other to do our best. We trust, we act, we can create. All become one, united in our differences.
能夠推動運動的，並不是什麼對更美好未來的希望。因為對一個面對超級強權的七百萬人的城市來說，希望從來都是稀缺的。真正能推動運動的，是即便我們對未來的願景不同，我們仍信任彼此，能依靠彼此，一起做到最好。我們信任，我們行動，我們就能創造。所有人化為一體，在差異中團結。
It was only natural that such a collective would demand to be heard and recognized in a way that the regime had to respond to. When the regime closed in and took away the people's right to protest, we turned to the alternative path of elections.
這樣的集體要求被聽見和肯認，是再自然不過的，並以一種迫使政權不得不作出回應的方式進行。當政權封殺了遊行抗議的權利時，我們就轉向選舉這條替代之路。
I ran in the last free and fair election in Hong Kong. For that, I was prosecuted in the first Soviet(?)/CCP-style subversion case tried in a common law court. I pleaded not guilty to defend the political expression of 610,000 Hong Kong people, which the regime is trying to distort and reduce into a conspiracy of 47 foreign-brainwashed, faithless pawns, with life imprisonment on the table.
我參加了香港最後一次自由公平的選舉。因為這件事，我成為第一宗在普通法法庭審理的蘇聯式/中共式顛覆案的被告。我拒絕認罪，以捍衛61萬香港人曾做出的政治表達。政權正試圖將這種表達，扭曲和矮化為是47個被外國洗腦、毫無信念的棋子的陰謀，並以終身監禁的懲罰相威脅。
The situation is dire, yet when going into the details, it becomes a bit comical: the unforgivably evil subversive act of the accused was aiming for a parliamentary majority with the power to veto the annual budget. Following such logic, one may as well claim that democracies around the world suffer subversion attempts every 4 to 6 years. In a 1984-esque reality, though, democratization—or just calling for it—amounts to subversion of state power. Makes perfect sense.
局勢非常嚴峻，但細看細節卻有些荒謬：被告所犯的不可饒恕的"邪惡顛覆行為"竟是為了爭取擁有否決年度預算權的議會多數席位。按這種邏輯，全世界的民主國家每隔四到六年就會經歷"顛覆行為"。然而，在一個《1984》式的現實中，民主化——甚至只是呼籲民主化——就等同於"顛覆國家政權"。完全"合理"。
Behind the rhetoric of secession, collusion with foreign forces, etc., our true crime for Beijing is that we were not content with playing along in manipulated elections. We organized ourselves to rise above partisan fragmentation, came together, and attempted to break through. We dared to reach for actual power to hold the government accountable. Even though it was enshrined as a right of the people under the Basic Law, Beijing never planned to see it actualized.
在所謂"分裂"、"勾結外國勢力"等言辭背後，我們真正的罪行在北京眼裡是：我們不滿於配合被操控的選舉。我們組織起來，超越了黨派分裂，團結一致，試圖突破。我們勇敢地爭取實權，以使政府負起責任。雖然這原本是《基本法》賦予人民的權利，但北京從未打算讓這權利真正落實。
We dared to confront the regime with the question: will democracy ever be possible within such a structure? The answer was a complete crackdown on all fronts of society.
我們敢於向政權提問：在這樣的結構中，民主是否可能實現？我們獲得的答案是，對整個社會的全面壓制。
Prosecuting democratic politicians and activists across the spectrum, the case was seen as the turning point at which Hong Kong became a lost cause. People were scared into silence and forced to give up hope for democracy in Hong Kong.
橫跨各個光譜的民主政治人物和社運人士均被起訴，此案始，香港被視為"無望之地"。人們被嚇得沉默，並被迫放棄對香港民主的希望。
Sitting in the dock, I went through the historical trials I had read about in my mind.Decades on, defiant and dignified defences seemed like natural building blocks of ultimate victory. But back in the moment, when the regime's rule seemed infallible and change was nowhere in sight, why does one still choose to fight despite certain conviction?
坐在被告席上時，我的腦海中回顧了自己讀過的歷史審判。數十年後，那些充滿抗爭與尊嚴的辯護，似乎是通往最終勝利的再自然不過的基石。但回到當時，當政權的統治似乎不可撼動，也看不到任何改變可能，為什麼有人仍選擇在註定被定罪的情況下奮戰？
The narrative put forward by the prosecution is not just a distortion of facts or a threat to the larger public. It goes much deeper—they are forcing the accused into self-denial of their lived experiences. That genuine solidarity was just a delusion. That the bonds, the togetherness, the honest conversations among people so different yet so connected, cannot be real after all. That the difficult co-building of a collective united in difference with a shared vision for a better future was just a utopian dream.
控方提出的敘事，不僅僅是對事實的扭曲或對公眾的威脅。它的影響更加深遠——他們逼迫被告去否定自己的親身經歷。他們試圖說明，真正的團結只是幻覺。那些如此不同卻又如此緊密相連的人們，他們之間的羈絆、共同體、彼此之間誠懇的對話，這些全都不是真的。那個在艱難中共同建立、在差異中團結起來的集體，對一個更好的未來有著共同願景的集體，只不過是一場烏托邦的夢。
But no. They are not just idealistic dreams but realities that I have lived through. I choose to fight to prove that such connections are not only possible but have actually been lived out and continue to live on. The only delusion here is the belief that brutal oppression can ever deny their existence.
但不是這樣。這些不是僅僅理想主義的夢想，而是我親身經歷過的現實。我選擇奮鬥，以證明這樣的連結不僅可能存在，還確實存在過，並將繼續存在。認為殘暴的壓迫能夠否定它們的存在，這才是唯一的幻覺。
It is not a responsibility nor moral obligation. It is the strong urge within me to do justice to what I witnessed and experienced, for they constitute part of me and define who I was. And I am now going to define who I am.
這不是出於責任，也不是道德義務。這是出自我內心強烈的願望，為我所見證和經歷過的一切伸張正義，因為這些構成了我的一部分，定義了我的過去。而現在，我要繼續由自己定義，我是誰。
I stand alone confronting these accusations, not as an individual, but as one of all those who have ever stood in the streets and raised their voices to demand autonomy for the city. As well as all those who have ever stood in the same position before unjust courts anywhere in the world.
我獨自站在這裡，面對這些指控。但我並不只是一個人。我是所有曾經走上街頭，為這座城市爭取自治而發聲的人們中的一個。我也是世界上所有曾站在不公正法庭的犯人席的人們中的一個。
I travelled far through words, from contemporary Russia, mainland China, Thailand, to 20th century Chicago, Taiwan, Pretoria. I met Navalny countless times, whose cases filed with the ECtHR are now open for all politically accused around the world to cite in their own legal battles. I learned from the Pussy Riot trial how to use the power of your opponents against you: when speech and beliefs are used as evidence against them; when speech and beliefs are used as evidence against you, you are also granted legal permission to elaborate on them, as extensively as you see fit.
我在文字中旅行，走了很遠的路，從當代的俄羅斯、中國大陸、泰國，到二十世紀的芝加哥、台灣、普利托利亞（Pretoria）。我無數次遇見納瓦爾尼（Navalny），他向歐洲人權法院提交的案件，如今成為全球所有的政治犯在法律鬥爭中的參考依據。我從 Pussy Riot 的審判中學到，如何將對手壓制你的力量用於己身：當言論和信仰成為指控你的證據時，這同樣賦予了你合法的權利，去儘可能充分地闡述自己真正的言論和信仰。
And in this particular case, who else has more to offer than the human rights defenders in mainland China? Every final statement and paper about their decades of struggle, the legitimacy of the Chinese constitution, and the power of the people.
而在這個特殊的案件中，還有誰比中國大陸的人權捍衛者帶來更多啟示？每一次最後陳詞，每一份檔案，都記錄著他們數十年來的抗爭，中國憲法的合法性和人民的力量。
None of us have won our cases. Many I read about are still serving harsh sentences in unknown places, unheard and forgotten. Most of them would never have the chance to know how much they inspired me – the only way I could honour them was to fight the best fight I could. And so I did.
我們之中沒有一個人贏得了案件。我讀到的許多人，至今仍在未知的地方服刑，無人知曉，也被遺忘。他們中的大多數永遠無法知道自己給了我多大的啟發——而我唯一能向他們致敬的方式，就是盡力打好這場仗。於是，我這麼做了。
I was sent to solitary confinement for refuting the false testimony of a prosecution witness from the dock. Just before that I had read about Maria Kolesnikova. Her case was in closed court, but the lawyers risked their qualifications to reveal that on the day of the verdict, Kolesnikova made her final statement, a little less than 3 hours, about "moral choice, about love for people, about the future of Belarus.
因為在被告席上反駁控方證人的虛假證詞，我被送進單獨監禁。就在這之前，我讀到了瑪莉亞·科列斯尼科娃（Maria Kolesnikova）的故事。她的案件在秘密庭審中進行，但律師們冒著失去執業資格的風險披露了真相：在判決當天，科列斯尼科娃發表了一場近三小時的終陳詞，關於"道德選擇、對人們的愛以及白俄羅斯的未來"。
I tried to imagine making a speech only among people who were complicit in depriving you of your freedom, looking at their apathetic (if not mocking) faces. I can't.And yet she did. She poured her heart out in a speech she knew no one would hear a word of.
我試圖想像在這樣的情況下發表演說：僅僅面對那些剝奪你自由的人，注視著他們冷漠（如果不是嘲諷）的面孔。我做不到。但她做到了。她傾盡心力，發表了一場她知道沒有人會聽見的演說。
She was violently muted, but the reverberation! It went all the way across the Eurasian continent, breaking through closed courts and reporting bans, fenced walls and censorship to reach me at the time I needed it most. I felt close to her, even though I may never meet her. I can feel her dearly.
她被粗暴地噤聲，但這迴響！它穿越了整個歐亞大陸，突破了秘密法庭和報導禁令，穿越高牆與審查，在我最需要的時候到達了我這裡。我感覺她就在我身邊，儘管可能我們永遠不會相見。我真切地感受到她就在那裡。
It's that feeling again. Like looking through a cloudy gas mask into the determined eyes of a complete stranger, or walking alongside another in thick, irritating smog toward the light. I have come so far in search of it. The human connection that would only come through shared acts of courage, between individuals who dare to follow their true selves. For to dare is to lose one's ground momentarily, yes, but not to dare, is to lose oneself.
這種感覺再次湧現了。就像是透過模糊的防毒面具，看見一雙完全陌生但堅定的眼睛；或是在濃厚刺鼻的煙霧中與另一個人一同向光走去。我走了這麼遠，就是為了尋找它。那種每個人都活出真心，又共同地以勇氣行動時，才可能建立的人與人之間的連結。是的，敢這樣做，會暫時失去立足之地；但是，不敢如此，就會失去自我。
Today, no democracy is immune to the crisis of legitimacy that results from a deficit of public trust. Calls for the "orderly" and "efficient" rule of authoritarianism are growing inexorably. News of fruitless movements and the continued plight of persecuted freedom fighters in distant, hopeless places is certainly discouraging.
今天，沒有哪個民主政體能免於因公眾信任的缺失而帶來的合法性危機。全世界對於"有序"和"高效"威權統治的呼聲正不斷增長。此時，這樣一個來自遠方絕望之地的消息，關於一場無果的運動，關於自由鬥士們如何接連遭受迫害，無疑令人沮喪。
But you can certainly help a lot. Defend and repair your own democracy. Push back against the corruption of power, restore faith in democratic values through action. Give authoritarian dictators one less example of failed democracy to justify their rule, and give freedom fighters around the world one more inspiration to continue the struggle with better alternatives. Fight on the ground most familiar and dear to you. Prove to the world at every possible moment, no matter how small, that democracy is worth fighting for.
但你能做的還有很多。捍衛並修復你自身的民主體制。抵抗權力的腐敗，通過行動重建對民主價值的信任。少給威權獨裁者一個民主失敗的例子，一個辯解其統治的藉口。多給世界各地的自由鬥士一個啟發，讓他們能為更好的未來繼續奮鬥。在你最熟悉、最珍視的土地上奮戰。用每一次可能的機會證明，不論多微小，民主是值得為之奮鬥的。
For while suffering may evoke concern and compassion, it also blurs and reduces the sufferer to a pitiful but characterless victim, part of a nameless number. What really defines our identity is not the suffering itself, but the way in which we face it. It is in action that one defines oneself, and only people who truly know who they are can open up, make new connections in the most unexpected circumstances, and bring about change. It is for the wonders of human diversity, creativity and possibility, for a world in which we can connect as our own true selves, that we dare to act, and we dare to suffer.
苦難可能喚起關懷與同情，但也會模糊甚至簡化受難者的形象，讓他們變成一個無名的數字中的可憐但無特色的受害者。真正定義我們身份的，不是苦難本身，而是我們面對苦難的方式。只有在行動中，人才能定義自我。只有真正認識自己的人，才能在最意想不到的情況下敞開心扉，建立新的連結，帶來改變。正是為了人類多樣性、創造力與可能性的奇蹟，為了一個我們可以以真實自我相連的世界，我們敢於行動，也敢於承受苦難。
依幾年一直有個矛盾︰好多人，包括曾經關係深嘅人，極少鼓勵我。加油？加油做啲令自己坐更耐嘅事咩唔通？但當有人畀到力量我，令我見到人嘅存在最極致嘅美感，唯有喺掙扎之中方得展現，如果我帶住份力量去做得越好，只會喺物理同時間上離佢哋越遠。但若我因為怕別離而放棄，喺不再掙扎嘅一刻，我就感應唔返呢份超然於希望或絕望之上嘅生命力。
（CDT編者譯）這幾年一直有個矛盾：很多人，包括曾經關係很深的人，極少鼓勵我。加油？加油去做一些讓自己坐牢更久的事情嗎？但當有人給我力量，讓我看到人類存在最極致的美感，唯有在掙扎中才能展現。如果我帶著這份力量去做得越好，只會在物理和時間上離他們越遠。但如果我因為害怕別離而放棄，在不再掙扎的那一刻，我就感受不到這份超越希望或絕望的生命力。
一直陪我嘅人，我唔敢想像佢哋嘅心理負擔，但佢哋沒為咗自己良心舒服要我否定自己；亦沒為逃避思考、判斷或自己，連我都直接避埋。因為佢哋知道咁唔系死，而系創造，系自我完成。愛唔只系牽絆同責任，仲系成就同解放；唔系幫你逃避現實殘酷，而系畀你面對殘酷嘅勇氣。
（CDT編者譯）一直陪伴我的人，我不敢想像他們的心理負擔，但他們沒有為了讓自己良心舒服而要我否定自己；也沒有為了逃避思考、判斷或自我，連我都直接避開。因為他們知道這不是死亡，而是創造，是自我完成。愛不僅是牽絆和責任，還是成就和解放；不是幫你逃避現實的殘酷，而是給你面對殘酷的勇氣。
痛苦其實好難，甚至沒可能分擔，真正可以穿透牆內外嘅，系意志。苦難令「我哋」出現，但無法令「我哋」成長；以苦難嚟維繫嘅共同體，只能喺苦難中無限輪迴——定義身份嘅唔系苦難，而系我哋究竟點樣面對佢。如果今日局面系香港無可迴避嘅命運，至少喺2019年，我哋選擇咗面對，選擇唔再留喺虛擬自由新手村，將問題再推畀下一代。
（CDT編者譯）痛苦其實很難，甚至不可能分擔，真正可以穿透牆內外的是意志。苦難讓"我們"出現，但無法讓"我們"成長；以苦難來維繫的共同體，只能在苦難中無限輪迴——定義身份的不是苦難，而是我們究竟怎樣面對它。如果今天的局面是香港無法迴避的命運，至少在2019年，我們選擇了面對，選擇不再停留在虛擬自由的新手村，把問題再推給下一代。
民主自由從來唔包歲月靜好︰真正嘅民主系眾聲喧譁好L嘈（香港人應該最清楚），而自由就系好好選擇要諗要揀要承擔；如果只系義憤、支持人、幫人、為道德為責任，而唔去諗其實你自己本身想點，系好難感受到自由。
（CDT編者譯）[[民主]自由從來不包含歲月靜好：真正的民主是眾聲喧譁，非常吵鬧（香港人應該最清楚），而自由就是認真選擇、思考、抉擇和承擔；如果只是義憤、支持他人、幫助他人、為道德為責任，而不去想你自己本身想要什麼，是很難感受到自由的。
自由就系感到「原來我可以」嘅時刻。
（CDT編者譯）自由就是感到"原來我可以"的時刻。
系，會遇到好多限制同阻力，但正正系喺同現實碰撞先會知自己咩料，透過反覆嘅自我懷疑，先會淬鍊出真正嘅執著。
（CDT編者譯）是的，會遇到很多限制和阻力，但正是在與現實碰撞中才會知道自己是什麼本事，透過反覆的自我懷疑，才能淬鍊出真正的執著。
歷史唔系由贏者書寫，而系自由有意志嘅人書寫。城市嘅軀殼唔會消失，舊靈魂已死，而新性命誕生就必然系痛；香港嘅好不在井然安定，而在過火癲狂，無孔不入嘅規訓同壓抑下竟然滋生出咁蓬勃嘅多元，要你規行矩步，同時又逼你不斷越界；沒人可以定義「香港系咩」，但人人都可以拓闊「香港可以系咩」。
（CDT編者譯）歷史不是由勝利者書寫，而是由自由有意志的人書寫。城市的軀殼不會消失，舊靈魂已死，而新生命誕生就必然是痛苦；香港的好不在於井然安定，而在於過火癲狂 ，在無孔不入的規訓和壓抑下竟然滋生出如此蓬勃的多元，要你規行矩步，同時又逼你不斷越界；沒有人可以定義"香港是什麼"，但人人都可以拓寬"香港可以是什麼"。
我嘅選擇同行動就系我對「香港可以系咩」嘅回答，學到嘢嘅快樂，喺不可能下仍然同人sync到嘅幸福，系最大嘅收穫。如果可以繼續成長，希望可以更加遊刃有餘。
（CDT編者譯）我的選擇和行動就是我對"香港可以是什麼"的回答，學到東西的快樂，在不可能的情況下仍然與他人產生共鳴的幸福，是最大的收穫。如果可以繼續成長，希望可以更加遊刃有餘。
而家嘅我手空無一物，只剩鑽研過嘅知識、見證過嘅勇氣、投入過嘅熱情，尤幸好奇依舊，志氣清澈。由衷希望你都有勇氣面對自己、繼而打開自己，體驗世界，感應他人，唔再停喺「思想自由」嘅幻覺之中。你要喺現世自由。香港可以系咩？期望見到更多不同答案。
（CDT編者譯）現在的我雙手空無一物，只剩下鑽研過的知識、見證過的勇氣、投入過的熱情，尤幸好奇依舊，志氣清澈。 由衷希望你也有勇氣面對自己， 進而打開自己，體驗世界，感應他人，不再停留在"思想自由"的幻覺之中。你要的是現世自由。香港可以是什麼？期望看到更多不同的答案。
